Huntsman is not afraid to shake things up
Pignanelli & Webb
The intelligent and articulate Leavitt started out strong, but legislative leaders caught on that he would cave into their demands. Further, he was unwilling to build the necessary legislative and public coalitions to pass his plans. By the close of the second term, the administration was a submissive creature to the Legislature (i.e., his budget was no longer reviewed in appropriations committees).
Always commanding solid approval ratings, Leavitt refused to spend his enormous political capital to challenge lawmakers and/or the more conservative factions in the GOP. After 11 years, this is the behavior most legislators expect from the executive branch.
Conversely, Walker's unprecedented popularity is a reflection of bipartisan public desire for a leader holding strong positions (i.e. radioactive waste, vouchers) despite legislative and political opposition. Clearly, this is what citizens hunger for from their new governor.
As with the financial world, if you risk capital and the investment succeeds, the account is replenished beyond the original amount. Several of Huntsman's predecessors were disciples of this philosophy. Govs. Cal Rampton and Norm Bangerter consistently gambled their political fortunes in the public arena, and are beloved for such courage. They knew gubernatorial leadership is best exhibited by persuading legislators to act contrary to their natural desires. Rampton persuaded lawmakers to pass a necessary, but unpopular, bonding package and Bangerter cajoled legislators into raising numerous taxes.
Also, in a striking difference from the financial world, if your political venture should fail but the public perceives you as a tireless crusader for their benefit, the investment still pays dividends. Scott M. Matheson rarely succeeded in political endeavors, but his famous dedication and vision (illustrated by struggles with the federal government otherwise known as the "Sagebrush Rebellion") galvanized his legendary status.



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